Nov.  2, 2001

 Address by President Mohammad Hosni Mubarak to the Formentor Forum (Foro Formentor)

His Excellency Dear President José Maria Aznar,
Their Excellencies President Sympayo and President Arafat,
Mr. Alfonso Cortina, Chairman of the Board, Repsol Cororation,
Mr. Francis Antiche, Head of Government of the Balearic Islands

    I would like at the outset to express my thanks and appreciation for the kind invitation I received to address this important meeting of the Foro Formentor. Undoubtedly, the Foro Formentor has become a key forum for discussing all issues of Euro-Mediterranean cooperation, at governmental and non-governmental levels, with the active participation of official and popular sectors with a view to deepening this cooperation and achieving our aspired progress and prosperity.

    In March of this year, I received with appreciation an invitation from my dear friend President Aznar in March of this year, to speak to you at the inaugural deliberations of the third annual meeting of the Forum on "The Impact of Enlarging the European Union on the Euro Mediterranean Process". I believe this topic gains special importance in the light of our collective endeavours to widen the scope of our regional and international relations, and to utilize them to achieve our peoples aspirations for prosperity and stability, in Europe, in East and South Mediterranean, in Africa and the Middle East, as well as in other regions to which we belong regionally and geographically.

    In addressing this topic, I cannot miss a number of international and regional developments that have taken place since I accepted this invitation early this year. These events will, undoubtedly, reflect on the progress to be achieved in the future in the Euro-Mediterranean process. Particularly, the September 11 events in the US have deeply shaken the hearts of each and every one of us, and have created new international conditions and implications that need to be examined and taken into consideration. Add to this the situation in the Middle East that continues to deteriorate day after day, without the least glimpse of hope of reaching in the near future a peaceful settlement to the conflict that has persisted for over half a century.

    What make discussion of our main topic today even more crucial are a number of factors that need be taken into consideration, given their special significance. These are:

    First: That the third annual meeting of the Forum this year coincides with the 10th anniversary of the initiative I put forth in my address to the European Parliament in Strasbourg on the 20th November 1991, calling for the creation of a gathering of Mediterranean countries. This has actually materialized since 1995, thanks to pioneering efforts by Spain and other European countries, together with a group of East and South Mediterranean countries, Egypt being on top of the list. This calls for studying and assessing this pilot experience, in the light of successive international and regional developments.

    Second: That this year's session of the Forum also coincides with the 10th anniversary the Madrid Peace Conference held in late October 1991. This conference had laid down the main principles for a peaceful solution to the Middle East problem, particularly that of "Land for Peace". This principle, together with Security Council resolutions 242, 338 and 425 provided solid basis on which peace negotiations were launched. Hence, this year's meeting of the forum is a chance of great significance to assess the situation in the Middle East with all its positive and negative aspects. It is also an important chance to consider what we can offer together, through our Euro-Mediterranean process, to push the peace process towards a final comprehensive settlement, based on justice and respect of international legitimacy.

    Third: That the third annual meeting of the forum is being held on the eve of assumption by Spain of the Presidency of the European Union at the beginning of January next year, in view of its notable and outstanding role within the Union, particularly in pushing forward our Euro-Mediterranean cooperation in all fields.

    Our discussions, particularly at this stage should be guided by a clear vision of our joint objectives of beefing up elements of integration and unity in the face of those of separation and division. We need also to stress existing integration and mutual understanding between civilizations in the face of advocates of inter-civilization clash. We should also bolster the use of all religions for supporting elements of tolerance and love against those of evil and aggression and for elevating noble and sublime human values so high as to prevail over constricted national interests. Thus, we would be establishing for ourselves and for the generations to come underpinnings for a new World order that we had aspired to achieve by the dawn of the new millennium, which will hopefully bring to all of us prosperity, stability and peace.

    Ladies and Gentlemen,

    The pioneering efforts exerted by the EU to enlarge its membership deserve praise and appreciation. Since the signing of the Paris Treaty of 1951 establishing the European Coal and Steel Community, and the Rome Treaty of 1957 establishing the European Economic Community, that then comprised only six of of the founder-members of the Union, gradual enlargements have taken place in 1973, 1981, 1986 and 1995. These have led the EU today to the present state of success that was acieved through sure building on the benefits of unification. Thus, the EU was encouraged to take one more bold step, seeking to incorprate into the enlargemeeeeent process 13 Central and East European countries. This enlargement will impose unique challenges as well, particularly as it will lead to an increase of 34 percent in the EU present territoty as well as addition of 105 million population with varying wealth levels, cultures and history.

    Throughout most of the past century the geographically connected countries of the European region were divided by an imposed iron curtain due ideological considerations and orientations prevailing at that time. Therefore, currents endeavors of unification have become in themselves an important safeguard to avoid resurgence of such ideological dissentions. These can reemerge in the form of ethnic or religious barriers, in the form of conflict of differing interests between countries of the North of of East or Cental Europe with those of other EU countries, in the form of impact on the important and due balance to be maintained between considerations of enlarging the EU, on one hand and its relations with East and South Mediterranean countries, on the other.

    Within this framework, it is important to innitially re-emphasize the pivotal relations between the EU and East and South Mediterranean countries. This mutually acknowledged fact, had underpinned the Barcelona Declaration providing a dynamic framework for institutional cooperation among us through three main areas of partnership, namely economic and financial, political and security, and social, cultural and humanitarian.

    In order to identify the impact of enlarging the EU on the Euro-Mediterranean process, we have to address such impact on all three above mentioned areas, taking into consideration that such impact would gradually accelerate at the pace of the of the EU enlargement process and depending on progress to be made in negotiations with countries involved.

    In this regard, I would like to emphasize that successive stages of promoting and developing the Euro-Mediterranean cooperation should run parallel with the gradual enlargement of the EU. This in its turn should be coupled with additional efforts by EU countries to reassure neighboring countries in the new European entity in its would-be enlarged form, particularly East and South Mediterranean countries, that this enlargement would have more of positive than negative aspects.

    This can be done by assuring that the uniform rules to be adopted for the EU will be a major factor in facilitating cooperation between both sides rather than in creating additional difficulties that would weaken the traditional trade relations between both sides, or disconue already existing arrangements between those countries and the new member countries of the EU.

    It is also important that enlargement leads to more flexible and workable positions on the part of the EU that would have a direct positive impact on the Euro-Mediterranean process. The extension of geographical land or coastal borders of the EU to those of countries that had no border with the EU in the past will require the EU to adopt more active and vital policies taking into consideration potentionally growing effects of the enlargement process on its partners in the Mediterranean region.

    Naturally, this leads us to the need to initiate an active and continuing dialogue on important issues involved in our joint cooperation with a view to reaching the best possible solutions without imposing a specific European or Mediterranean vision that ignores joint interests of both parties.

    Ladies and Gentlemen,

    Our interest in developing partnership at the economic and financial levels is a major priority for East and South Mediterranean countries and Egypt in particular. This requires us to consider the impact of the EU enlargement on the partnership agreements already concluded or underway between the EU and East and South Mediterranean countries, the latest being the agreement concluded with Egypt this year. This gains special importance in the light of essential changes imposed by the September 11 events on world and regional economy.

    The signing of the association ageement Egypt with the EU on June 25, 2001 was an auspicious sign for Egypt. This reflected a continuing EU policy aiming at establishing a free-trade area to encomass by 2010 all the Barcelona Process countries. This would acieved through a series of similar agreements already concluded with each of Israel, Morocco, Jordan and Tunisia, as well as through a series of negotiations to this end currently underway for similar agreements with Syria, Lebanon and Algeria, all of which have reached advanced stages.

    These agreements, containing important provisions associating economic cooperation involving step-by-step procedures for liberalizing trade and services between both sides, with European assistance aiming to enhance our industrial capabilities and improve quality of our products to comply with international standards.

    While embarking on this new phase of economic and financial cooperation through partnership agreements, it is important to emphasize the need to couple honest implementation of these partnership agreements with a growing international trend within the EU and other developed countries towards implementing their obligations as adopted in the Uruguay Round. Non conventioal solutions should also be found for certain protectionist policies adopted by the EU through non- custom restrictions, especially in agriculture which still constitutes the mainstay for many developing countries.

    In addition, it is important to give the full chance for developing East and South Mediterranean countries that have already concluded association agreements with the EU to benefit fully from the grace periods and timeframes stipulated in these agreements. This would avert such economic cosequences with potential negative effects as may caused abrupt shift on the partnership process itself.

    Given the importance we in the South Mediterranean region attch to partnership agreements with the EU, Egypt, Jordan, Tunisia and Morocco have taken the initiative to conclude the Aghadir agreement in March 2001 establishing a free trade zone among ourselves, with a view to raising our inter-trade relations from 8% to 22% of our foreign trade.

    This comes within the framework of enhancing cooperation among us in the South, a matter that will have a positive impact on our cooperation with EU. What also bolstered ties among the four countries are a joint trend towards trade liberalization, existing partnership agreements with the EU, a network of bilateral agreements among them aimed at raising trade volumes, and their membership in the WTO.

    Undoubtedly, the activation of such promising trend to encomass a larger number of countries within the East and South Mediterranean region will gradually help us achieve our dream of establishing an Arab common market. Undoubtedly, this will be enriched by our respective experiences with partnerships with the EU. These agreements will also facilitate cooperation between Arab countries and the EU within a more organized institutional framework.

    They will further deepen our Euro-Mediterranean relations through integration between the interests of two parallel blocs, rather than between the intersts of the EU as an integral bloc, on one hand, and those of the East and South Mediterranean countries severally, on the other.

    Before talking about the impact of enlargement on our economic and financial relations, it is important to touch on the impact of globalization and economic liberalization on East and South Mediterranean countries. In this regard, it is important to point out the huge positive opportunities of free and fair competition offered by globalization. However, the capabilities of the South countries and the fact that, all being developing countries, they are not united in an integrated economic entity similar in capabilities and potential to the EU, have given rise to some contradictions that need be adamantally and courageously addressed.

    Foremost of these is the huge gap between developing and developed nations, both in terms of income levels and volume of trade or investment. This gap creates a sense of marginalization, economic fragility and inability to face the challenges posed by globalization.

    As the growth rate has particularly dwindled to 3% over the past period, there is an urgent need to raise to 7% the growth rate in South Mediterranean countries over the coming ten years, in order to secure necessary job opportunities for our youth.

    There is further urgent need to raise the rate of investment flows to South Mediterranean countries and to eliminate roadblocks on the way by reducing custom tariffs and developing fiscal systems. Furthermore, it is important to proceed with intensive economic dialogue between Barcelona Declaration countries, particularly in the light of the prevailing fears of potential global recession.

    The importance of addressing such contradictions is accentuated by the September 11 events that have come to imposed new economic challenges as clearly shown in the preliminary World Bank report. According to the report, these events, that have hit world economy in one of its weakest periods, will no doubt negatively affect economic growth rates as well as international terms of trade and capital inflows to developing countries, eventually leading to a significant slowdown in the pace of world economy.

    Moving to our Euro-Med relations, the accession to the EU by the East and Central European countries is expected lead to a rise in inter-trade within the EU, especially between the current members of the EU and the East and Central European countries at the expense of trade with other countries outside the EU, including Egypt.

    This will require us to engage in an organized dialogue with the acceding countries, with the aim of reaching an agreement on advancing their relations with East and South Mediterranean countries and identifying the features and nature of preferential trade treatment that we are to demand upon entering adjustment agreements to be signed upon the accession by new member- countries.

    There is also an urgent need to address the impact of enlarging the EU, not only on individual countries linked to the EU with association agreements, but also on regional EU-supported initiatives in Third World countries.

    Example include the New African Initiative, for which a mini summit was held in Brussels last October, in order to consider European support and the Euro-African dialogue, for which a summit will be held under the Spanish presidency in Lisbon next year, in order to follow up on the implementation of priority topics stipulated in the action plan earlier approved in the last Euro-African summit held in Cairo.

    At the same time, it is necessary to proceed with our joint efforts in the Euro-Mediterranean process, in order to maximize the positive aspects of globalization and to employ them in a better way in our pursuit to bring about security and prosperity for our peoples.

    These joint efforts would also minimize the negative impact of globalization on the economically and socially vulnerable and marginalized categories with the aim of stressing the social dimension, given that man is the main target of any political, economic or social activity.

    Dear Friends,

    The EU has scored serial successes in effectively confronting emergency crisis situations. It has developed mechanisms for addressing all issues in such a way that proved the efficacy of European unity in bringing about security and stability for European peoples and beefing up international political and security endeavors to settle contemporary problems.

    In this context, debates on the political and security aspects of the Euro-Mediterranean process at all levels have revealed the pivotal importance of achieving a peaceful settlement to the Arab-Israeli conflict necessary to bring about the required political and socio-economic integration between East and South Mediterranean countries. This would eventually push the Euro-Mediterranean process towards new wider horizons.

    Within this framework, Europe has already exerted intensive efforts over years, with a view to reaching a comprehensive settlement based on international legitimacy and justice. These, together with concomitant and consistent American, Russian and UN endeavours had led to the convening in 1991 of the Madrid Peace Conference, that adopted the Madrid terms of reference, based on the principle of "Land for Peace" and relevant Security Council resolutions, primarily Resolutions 242, 338 and 425.

    Today, ten years after the Madrid Peace Conference, our responsibility calls on us to identify causes underlying the dramatic deterioration of the peace process in a manner that would negatively affect the overall climate within the Mediterranean region and will consequently reflect on Euro-Mediterranean cooperation, as well as on the situation within the EU member countries themselves.

    On the Palestinian track, there arose several factors conducing to the current deterioration of the peace process. These can be summed up in the following: -

    First: Different approaches by successive Israeli leaders to peace as a strategic goal requiring commitment to mutual obligations as well as sacrifices in order to acquire gains and to realize sublime goals.

    In spite of late Prime Minister Rabin's profound political vision of peace and his bold steps towards achieving a comprehensive settlement. For all this, he, together with prime minister Simon Peres are deemed as ever the most conscious among Israeli prime ministers of the importance of peace for his country and for the region. Nevertheless, his assassination has made succeeding prime ministers reluctant to adopt moderate stances. Hence, they gave in to domestic Israeli reactions to certain acts of violence here and there, without focusing on the main objective goal of achieving peace and stability.

    This has resulted in reluctance by Israel to fulfill its commitments as stipulated in the Oslo, Wye River and the first Sharm El Sheikh signed agreements, under the a variety of political and security pretexts. Moreover, it intentionally allowed certain events offensive to religious feelings to take place, thus sparking the second Palestinian uprising "Intifada".

    Second: There exists an erratic lack of recognition of the Palestinian Authority's limit of powers in negotiations, particularly relating to Islamic sanctities, to which the hearts and souls of each and every Muslim all over the world are attached, on top of which is the status of the old city of Jerusalem and Al-Haram Al Sharif in particular.

    Israel has sought to persuade the public opinion in the USA and Europe that President Arafat, by not accepting Israeli sovereignty over Al-Haram Al Sharif, has wasted a historic chance to reach a settlement during the second Camp David summit. It sought also to use this to intimate that President Arafat is either unwilling or incapable of reaching a settlement.

    However, to be honest, I must admit that President Arafat was not in a position to accept this part of the settlement in the light of the Arab and Islamic rejection of granting sovereignty to Israel over the entire East Jerusalem, being a part of the Arab territories occupied since 1967, including sovereignty over Islamic sanctities.

    In addressing this point, I speak not out of bias to one party against the other do, but rather out of a belief in the sensitive nature of any subject that touches on religions and holy places. Mishandling such issues could only ignite latent deep feelings of antagonism, from which we could all suffer for many years to come.

    Third: The detailed proposals presented by President Clinton last December, that were nevertheless short of achieving a settlement agreement, yet they constituted a solid framework for serious negotiations that were held in Washington and resumed in Taba. They could have led to a settlement, had an additional chance of a few more months been made available for negotiations. These proposals only needed some clarifications and some mutual concessions in order to crystallize a final settlement had the Israeli government had the intention to start serious negotiations with the Palestinian Authority.

    Fourth: The failure of the present Israeli government to achieve the security it had promised its electors earlier this year can be attributed to a lack of a clear vision on how to achieve peace on one hand, and its adoption of contradictory positions towards the peace process on the other.

    Here, it should be clear in this regard that the continuation of provocative policies of the Israeli government and its basic reliance on violence, siege and closure to subdue the Palestinian people who are exercising their legitimate right of resisting occupation cannot provide security to the citizens of Israel. On the contrary, it will aggravate feelings of frustration, despair and resentment among destitute Palestinians who suffer from lack of income, care and hope. Thus, they are practically pushed to commit further acts of violence and resistance, thus involving both sides into a vicious circle of unending violence and counter violence.

    Fifth: The entire world community sees that the way out of the present dilemma of the peace process lies in the honest implementation of the Mitchell Report. This report contains a significant number of mutual obligations that, if carried out by both parties without dictating unworkable conditions, could lead to a concrete breakthrough. This would eventually bring about security to Israeli citizens inside their own state, in return for the establishment of a sovereign Palestinian state that also enjoys security and stability.

    It should be emphasized that it is a gross mistake to maintain that the September 11 events were the outcome of difficulties encountered in the Middle East peace process or a result of the support of the USA to Israel. However, the deterioration of the peace process down to the current regrettable level and lack of active international leadership of the peace process for one reason or another have created a public opinion that is antagonistic to the peace process in the Arab street. This is clearly reflected in the form of harsh criticisms of the decision by Arab leaders to adopt peace as a strategic option at a time when present Israeli practices and policies can never anyhow be interpreted as a genuine orientation towards peace.

    Hence, I would like to emphasize also that the situation calls for a courageous and bold stance on the part of both the Palestinian and the Israeli leaderships, in order to break the vicious circle of violence at the earliest possible date and embark onto political negotiations; the only means to achieve security, peace and stability.

    Once the Palestinian and Israeli leaderships have taken such courageous decisions, they will, undoubtedly, need the support and encouragement of their peoples and their communities abroad. Thus, from here I call upon the Israeli people and all the Jewish communities all over Europe and the USA to support peace and stability and to employ all their capacities in order to bring back the peace process to the proper path based on respect for the right of the Palestinian people to a secure independent state.

    Hence arises the special responsibility of the EU and the European Parliament to sensitize such European communities to the dangers of this currently persisting situation on the security and interests of Israel in the Middle East, should it still interested in becoming an active member worthy of international and regional appreciation and respect.

    We look forward as well to a vital role on the part of the Spanish presidency of the EU, which comes at a very critical and sensitive phase, in mobilizing all the necessary support to bring back the peace process to its proper path.

    Moving from the Palestinian track to the Syrian and Lebanese tracks, it should be made clear that the return to the 4 June- 1967-borders is the basic key to negotiations between Israel and Syria. In no way Syria will ever accept as a basis for peace less than the return of all its occupied land. Nor will Lebanon settle for anything less than full withdrawal from Lebanese territories, including the remaining border points from which Israel should still withdraw immediately in full and honest implementation of international legitimacy resolutions including the Security Council resolution 425.

    In a nutshell, our success in achieving a peaceful settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict will have great positive reflections on the Euro-Mediterranean cooperation through alleviating tension between East and South Mediterranean countries on one hand, and creating a new base for cooperation and integration relations based on the right of each state in the region - including the Palestinian state - to live in peace and security within its internationally recognized borders on the other.

    Dear Friends,

    Moving to Euro-Mediterranean cooperation in terms of security, I find it necessary to talk about the sorrowful events of the September 11, which have imposed on us a new security situation that need to be collectively confronted at all international, regional and national levels.

    Upon tackling this subject, I speak out of a bitter experience endured by Egypt in its war against terrorism, which had started long before the September 11 incidents. From that experience, we have learned that terrorism should be confronted with vigour and determination within the bounds of legitimacy and respect of law.

    Thus, Egypt did not hesitate for a second to join international efforts against terrorism in the wake of the attack on New York and Washington. This stems from our belief in the importance of forming a united international front that stands against the evils of terrorism and prevent it from attaining its objectives. Within the same context, Egypt has supported international moves by the USA and UK to combat terrorism.

    Within the framework of our international efforts to combat terrorism and eliminate all its strongholds, we should always take into consideration a number of factors that could augment our chances of success, foremost of which are:

    First: The need to convene an international conference on combating terrorism under the auspices of the UN, in order conclude an international treaty involving strict procedures geared to agree on an al-inclusive definition of international terrorism, to prohibit provision of finance, assistance, safe haven or political asylum to terrorists for one reason or another. This is what we should all seek to achieve in due course, after addressing the immediate consequences of the September 11 events.

    Second: The extreme importance of coupling our efforts in combating international terrorism with intensive efforts to address its underlying causes, such as feelings of injustice, coercion, inequity and adoption of double standards for political, economic or social considerations.

    Third: There is an urgent need to channel greater international attention to address the rapidly deteriorating situation in the occupied Palestinian territories as a result of Israeli attempt to take advantage of engrossment by the world community with the campaign against terrorism to impose a status quo on the ground contrary to all signed agreements and all understandings reached. This should be done through concrete and effective measures that could be felt on the ground.

    On the other hand, Israel should cease all its excessive practices of subjugation and humiliating the Palestinian people in such a way that would only result in escalating feelings of frustration and desperation between the Arab and Islamic public opinion. This would create a fertile soil for terrorists to utilize those feelings to justify their criminal acts and to raise new generations seeking to commit violent and terrorist acts as a means of expressing their dissatisfaction with their lives under coercion and occupation.

    As partners in the Euro-Mediterranean cooperation, we extend our hands to our partners in the North, in order to work together on this matter, same as on other matters of joint interest to both of us. This is to be done within the framework of frank and constructive discussions that have been launched within the context of the Barcelona process, two years before the September 11 events. It is through this process that we sought to provide a good example of combating this vicious phenomenon.

    Ladies and Gentlemen,

    Moving to the potential impact of the EU enlargement at the level of our humanitarian and social partnership, especially on our outstanding cooperation in this important field where we have already gone a long way, we find that the enlargement will undoubtedly deepen human and social understanding between us and a larger number of countries in East and Central Europe.

    This will enrich the joint experience of all parties to the Barcelona Process and will enhance mutual understanding of our respective cultural and humanitarian idiosyncrasies including our traditions, habits and values handed down over the years.

    Undoubtedly, the rich historic background of each and every one of us reveals a mutual belief in the unity of values and cultures among people, and refutes claims of inter- civilization conflict or clash. Such concepts emanate from erratic perceptions and a false sense by others of the superiority of this or that civilization Together with ungrounded theories and concepts of the overriding superiority of a specific race over others, are obsolete and outdated.

    We should not allow them to make distinctions between one human being and another. Nor should we let them take us back to the Dark Ages, where human beings were torn between a strong urge to achieve progress on one hand and attempts by some to yield to backward theories that have no basis of science, religion or rational thinking on the other. These concepts rather stems from calls based on ignorance and rejection of the other simply on ground of difference in belief or means of achieving progress.

    It may be quite opportune these days to recall to memory those bright eras of flourishing civilizations where man could soar to higher levels of intellectual and scientific advancement.

    Man had then realized that human civilization was one and the same, no matter how different its sources and components were. Man also grasped the historical fact, which proved for us all that whatever advances and progress man scored in a specific region, would add up to human heritage that is composed of interwoven and cumulative layers, eventually making up this firm-grounded structure of culture and civilization.

    Our understanding of such relations between civilizations stems from the basic principles of Islam, that considers belief in former Divine Messages as a prerequisite for sound faith in Islam. In the Holy Qur'an, Allah Almighty says, " The messenger believeth in that which hath been revealed unto him from his Lord and (so do) the believers. Each one believeth in Allah and His angels and His scriptures and His messengers, we make no distinction between any of his messengers." The Holy Qur'an also confirms that religion can never serve as grounds for clash by saying, " There is no compulsion in religion. The right direction is henceforth distinct from error." This also shows that relationships among civilizations and nations are one of dialogue rather than one of conflict as shown by the following verses, " O mankind Lo! We have created you male and female, and have made you nations and tribes that ye may know one another." and " Argue ye not (with the People of the Scripture) except in the better ways." Thus, from a proper Islamic perspective, Muslims' belief in the universality of Islam does not imply the exclusive singularity of Islamic civilization in the world nor its supremacy over other civilizations.

    It rather means interaction with these civilizations and emphasis that plurality of civilizations and diversity of cultures are the normal state of affairs.

    This Islamic concept of universality is based on the fact that plurality, diversity and variance are the rule and the law and that interaction with other civilizations is the proper median position between isolation and subordination.

    The experience of history confirms this vision that we much cherish, in identifying relations between civilizations. The Arab Islamic civilization rose not to supersede but rather to complement and advance oriental heritage.

    In this context, Islam was influenced by the Greek philosophical thought. The centre of gravity for civilization had started to turn towards Europe during the Middle Ages only after the Greek heritage had moved there through exactly Arab intermediation.

    Probably, the most important factor that had made such influence possible was that Arab Islamic civilization did not only preserve Greek heritage, but also, through blending Greek philosophical thought with principles of Islamic religion, did give Greek heritage such forms that made it easily acceptable to Christian Europe.

    This resulted in the reactivation of European philosophy on grounds of advanced Greek thought, making cultural and intellectual advancement possible. The influence of Arab Islamic civilization was not exclusively confined to this philosophical aspect, but rather extended to other branches of Western civilization; in mathematics, physics and medicine.

    This made the age of European renaissance reflect in turn Arab Islamic influences already recorded and documented by many scholars of civilization and historians.

    It is a source of our great pleasure in this context that Moslems had not been solely the upholders of advancement in our Arab Islamic civilization; as Christians and Jews, who had lived under the umbrella of such civilization, made significant contributions to it.

    This asserts the sublime essence of Arab Islamic civilization, far away from the concept of inter-civilization or inter- religion clash. Therefore, the current European civilization, from a historical perspective, was not solely an outcrop of European innovation alone but also a complementary addition to oriental cultural and civilization heritage running down for thousands of years.

    In the same logic, ongoing pursuit by Arabs and Moslems to bridge the huge gap that keeps that apart from scientific and technological achievements of current European civilization should deeply grasp elements of progress entailed in the European civilization as well as the spirit of creativity and innovation, the ability to harness nature in the interest of man and the substantial contributions in many spheres to humanity at large.

    Thus, the cycles of civilizations continuum are completed and the right significance of relationships between civilizations over ages is entrenched. This would undoubtedly create an air of optimism among us all as regards both Arab- European relations, in general and future prospects of Euro-Mediterranean partnership, in particular. The Mediterranean countries have always been at the heart of creative cultural interactions witnessed in East-West relations.

    Hence, it is no exaggeration to say that inter-civilization dialogue has been a common practice by Mediterranean countries throughout their different historic epochs.

    Dear friends,

    Our Euro-Mediterranean cooperation is currently passing through a crucial juncture, where it is faced with increasing challenges imposed by changing regional and international conditions, of which the least acute and simultaneously the most influential is the enlargement of the European Union. This issue should be dealt with on various levels ensuring that our cooperation be employed to bring about prosperity and welfare and to deepen our mutual understanding towards a better future.

    In the tumults of the recent painful incidents, our Euro-Mediterranean cooperation gains increasing importance that enhances our ability to confront and overstep these incidents.

    This would stem from cooperation and integration relations among all Mediterranean peoples that are bound together by a common destiny and goal as well as friendly and cordial ties.

    As such, we can enrich and utilize our human experience in the interest of our peoples, regardless of our geographical, cultural or religious affiliations. In this respect, we do much count on the pioneering Spanish role within the European Union that is sagaciously and efficiently co- presided by President Aznar together with other European leaders who have demonstrated belief in this cooperation and pushed it to the highest prospects.

    Once again, I thank you all and thank the Formentor Forum for allowing me this opportunity. I wish all success for the remaining deliberations of the forum.