Oct  25, 2001

Mubarak grants interview to Lebanese "Hawadeth" Magazine

In a wide-ranging interview appearing today, by special arrangement, simultaneously in Al-Ahram Weekly and in Lebanon's Al-Hawadith, La Revue du Liban and Monday Morning, President Hosni Mubarak tells Melhim Karam that the attack on Afghanistan is not the only answer to the global scourge of terrorism

Q: How do you feel about the 20 years you have spent in office, two decades of tireless effort and continued confrontation for the sake of Egypt and the Arabs?

A: It has been 20 years of hard work, years in which you lose your freedom as an ordinary citizen. Even visits to friends in their homes can be misconstrued. You abandon any private social life to tend to your responsibilities, so in a way these have been twenty years of detention. Still, you cannot help feeling good about the achievements made for your people. Thinking of how much we have achieved across all fields I sometimes feel it incredible that we should have come such a long way in just 20 years. Tangible progress has been made in all areas: roads, housing, telecommunications, infrastructure, schools, universities, new towns, electricity, the subway, hospitals. When I came to power, the population was 42 million. Now it is nearing 70 million. It has increased, that is, by 28 million. And still basic necessities remain available to all: daily needs are better met and basic services provided. Today we have 19 million students -- more than the total population of many states -- in various stages of education. And that education is free.

A quick glance at some of the figures illustrates where we once were and where we are now:

We have spent a total of LE 742 billion on various projects over the past 20 years; the area of agricultural land has been increased from 6.2 to 8.3 million feddans; annual capacity for power generation has increased from 18 billion kilowatts to 77 billion while energy supplies available right now stand at 106 billion kilowatts.

In 1981 there were only half a million telephone lines, many of them defunct. Now we have over eight million land lines and around three million cellular lines.

Nineteen cities and other urban communities have been developed and are now part of Egypt's geographical, industrial, and economic map. Paved roads have increased from 14,000 kilometres to 44,000, and over three million housing units have been built.

Mega projects that will be of great benefit to future generations are underway, in places where no one has ever set foot, in Toshka, in the Gulf of Suez, and east of Port Said.

And most importantly, thank God, Egypt's security is solid and stable.

Q: How do you view the current situation in Lebanon?

A: It is my hope that Lebanon will end its problem with Israel and return to the life it once had. I call on the Israelis to pull out of the Shebaa farms. Lebanon is an oasis of enlightened democracy. I wish Lebanon and the Lebanese a good life, a life of stability, security, and prosperity. President Emile Lahoud is a sincere leader.

Q: Mr President, for years you have been calling on Western countries to participate in efforts to combat terrorist groups. Do you think that the Western response has come too late, that terrorism has spread and infiltrated the fabric of many societies?

A: The West never thought that it would become a target of terror. I warned repeatedly that terrorism was an international phenomenon and that it would spread. I told Western leaders: if you protect terrorists who escape from their own countries, the day will come when they will turn against you. The West had thought that the problem of terrorism was limited to Egypt and Algeria. I called repeatedly for an international conference to combat terrorism, but those calls fell on deaf ears. Some Western capitals continued to grant asylum to terrorists under the pretext of upholding human rights. To give you one example, the terrorist who attempted to blow up the car of [the former] prime minister in Egypt and who killed one child, Shaymaa, and wounded tens others, was granted political asylum in one Western capital.

In doing so the West was protecting criminals' rights, not the rights of innocent people who want only to secure their daily bread. What the West does when it grants asylum to terrorists is to uphold criminal, and not human, rights. I drew the attention of Western leaders to the fact that terrorists are not to be trusted, that they will turn against you and that, of course, is exactly what has happened now.

The Jewish lobby fears the convening of such a conference. It has been trying to equate Palestinian resistance with terrorism, which is unacceptable, illogical. The Palestinian people have a legitimate right to resist and to regain their land.

I call upon the Jewish lobby to be logical. Support for Israel should not be blind. Blind support is damaging and foremost among those it damages is Israel for this way of acting can only heighten hostility towards Israel.

Q: Do you think that Britain, so enthusiastic about joining in the US war against terrorism, is now ready to extradite Egyptian militants who sought asylum there despite having committed crimes and being sentenced in Egypt? Have you renewed requests to London to hand over such militants?

A: We made requests to this effect in the past. The answer was that laws in Britain do not allow for this, especially since some of the wanted men face death sentences. I told them: "The judiciary in Egypt is independent and its sentences are just. Keep them [the militants], I have no need for them." But I also warned them that they should be careful for they [the militants] would turn against them. This is what happened with Omar Abdel-Rahman in New York. He was the first man to urge the bombing of the World Trade Center. He was an American hero in Afghanistan, before he turned against the Americans.

Q: To what extent is Egypt cooperating with the US in the campaign against terrorism? Have you offered transit facilities to US forces? Are you exchanging security and intelligence information?

A: Yes, there is cooperation between us. But we have not sent Egyptian troops. The president of the republic is not empowered to send troops outside the country. This is something that requires the approval of the People's Assembly. We support the US in the measures it is taking to strike at terrorist bases in Afghanistan. In addition to transit facilities, the Suez Canal is an international maritime passage and, under the Constantinople Agreement, we cannot prevent anyone from passing through it unless, of course, we are in a state of war with one country or another.

Q: Do you think that this war against terrorism will last for long?

A: I hope it does not because the longer it lasts, the greater the numbers of dead and wounded. In addition, international economic conditions will deteriorate, which will impact on all peoples. But I believe that to eliminate terrorism, as an international phenomenon, and to paralyse the activities of terrorists -- now that the phenomenon has spread to many areas -- will require time and international cooperation. I have been calling for the convening of a UN-sponsored international conference to combat this world phenomenon since 1986.

As for speculation concerning the possible expansion of the war to include other countries, I do not believe the US will strike at countries in the Middle East.

Q: Have you been asked to join the coalition forces? Have Egypt and its security apparatuses been asked to provide any names of people inside Egypt linked with the 11 September bombings?

A: No one has asked for the participation of Egyptian troops. As for any elements or names linked to the bombings in New York and Washington, we do not have any of those. We are cooperating by providing information. If any of the suspects were here they would have been brought to account in Egypt.

Q: Do you support a long war against terrorism? For this is the way things seem to be heading right now. Or do you think the campaign should be brief, with clear objectives? And when this campaign is over, do you think it will have succeeded in eliminating terrorism?

A: My hope is that the war will not last long. If it is long it will generate adverse reactions among all peoples of the world, including in Europe and America. This campaign is not going to eliminate terrorism unless every country, small and large, cooperates in eradicating terrorism. No one should grant political asylum to individuals who commit terrorist crimes in their own countries, or any other for that matter.

What is required from [Western] states is not to shelter terrorists by granting them the right of political asylum. It is dangerous to grant political asylum to terrorists for it encourages them to continue their criminal work. This is why I have called for an international conference to be held, a conference that would aim at reaching an international treaty, binding to all countries, with specific provisions that would prevent any state from protecting terrorists.

Q: The US bombing in Afghanistan generated a strong reaction in the street and among a section of Egyptian university students. Would a prolonged war trigger instability in the Arab region?

A: We need to constantly raise awareness amongst the people, providing them with facts. It is natural for people to express their feelings about ongoing events, particularly when it is being said that Muslims are the ones being bombed and killed, not just Osama Bin Laden. Some unacceptable and false statements against Islam and the Arabs were made, and these had a negative impact on [public] sentiments.

Q: How do you explain the large number of Gulf Arabs and Egyptians alleged to have been involved with the teams that attacked the World Trade Center and the Pentagon? Is it significant that the head of this suicide team, Mohamed Atta, is Egyptian, as was reported?

A: I find it hard to believe that people who were learning to fly in Florida could, within a year and a half, fly large commercial airlines and hit with accuracy the towers of the World Trade Center which would appear, to the pilot from the air, the size of a pencil. Only a professional pilot could carry out this mission, not someone who learned to fly for 18 months in Florida. For your information, a licence to fly commercial planes has many conditions, in terms of study and training. Many hours of flying are needed to qualify as a co-pilot, let alone a pilot, of such planes.

Q: There are voices in the West that link terrorism with Arab regimes, and with a lack of freedom of opinion and expression. How do you react to this, Mr President?

A: Freedom of opinion and expression exists in most Arab countries, contrary to Israeli claims to being the only democratic state in the region. Actually, Israel is the one state that disregards international legitimacy, ignores the rulings of the judiciary, engages in mass murder and tosses human rights to the wind. As for linking poverty with terrorism, poverty exists all over the world, north and south. Poverty exists in Europe and America. And, for your information, some of the individuals accused of committing terrorist crimes are very wealthy.

The United States is a democratic country that believes in freedom and yet murder and crime there are everyday occurrences. The same in Europe, where people are frightened to walk in the street after sunset. The same applies to American streets, where people are often attacked for trivial reasons. Everyone knows that horrendous crimes have been committed in US and European schools and universities. Can anyone forget the killing of lawyers in a courtroom in the United States? Can anyone forget the recent attack in Switzerland that claimed the lives of 14 parliamentarians?

Terrorism has no religion or home. It does not differentiate between rich and poor. Terrorism always finds a peg. It has done so throughout history. In Egypt [before 1952], terrorists assassinated prime ministers Ahmed Maher and Mahmoud Fahmi El- Noqrashi. Terrorism has nothing to do with the freedom of expression. We, in Egypt, have freedom of expression. Not once have we said to someone: do not write this. Not once have we objected to something that was written. No one can prevent anyone from writing. If you prevent someone from writing here, they will go to another country and write whatever they want. Have a quick look at our press -- national, party, and independent -- and you will see the large room for freedom of expression that everyone enjoys.

Q: Would it be correct to link the rise of Bin Laden as a phenomenon with the withdrawal of the current US Administration from engaging actively with the Middle East question?

A: Since President George W Bush took office in the United States, I have focused, in our communications, on the need to resolve the Middle East problem. The US President and I exchanged seven messages in this regard.

I told the Americans that the strikes against terrorists in Afghanistan made taking action on the Palestinian question and the Middle East problem -- addressing all the relevant aspects, the Golan and Lebanon included -- even more urgent. We must be serious in resolving these problems that unsettle the world and undermine its stability. I called on [the Americans] to take action so that public opinion in the region would be reassured there is hope of a solution to this chronic conflict, that there is justice and even-handedness in US policy.

They attacked me in the United States, saying that Mubarak is making conditions. I have not made conditions to the Americans, I gave them advice, and it is up to them whether they listen to this advice or not.

Q: Do you think that the military and security battle against terrorism has any chance of success in the absence of any comprehensive solution to the region's problems, foremost amongst them that of Palestine?

A: The problem of Palestine generates over 50 per cent of the causes of terrorism. And even when the Palestinian problem is not the cause, terrorism hides behind it, moves in its shadows, and uses it for its own purposes. Action should be taken on the Palestinian issue. The Israeli government's policy of mass murder must be halted, so that stability may be achieved for all peoples of the region.

Unless the Palestinian question is fully resolved, conditions in the region will deteriorate, frustration and despair in the Palestinian street will rise, creating fertile ground for more violence and terrorism, as I have repeatedly warned.

Q: Do you, Mr President, believe that your efforts on this issue would yield positive results? Is there any response on the Israeli side?

A: I am doing my best. I must continually seek a solution, against all odds. I will continue to exert efforts with all international and regional parties. I say what I believe, not to achieve personal gains, but to bring about a just and lasting solution. I speak frankly, in order to further the interests of both the Arab and Israeli peoples. The Israeli citizen is suffering and wants to live in peace, which is also the right of the Palestinian citizen.

What is your opinion of the Israeli prime minister's announcement that the siege is about to be lifted and forces withdrawn, and about rumours over the dismissal of the Israeli Chief of Staff?

We had hopes that the siege would be lifted and forces withdrawn but the opportunity was lost in the midst of the cycles of mutual revenge. Sadly, the vision is limited, the viewpoint narrow. How often have I warned Israel against the policy of assassinating leaders and liquidating those whom it calls 'activists'. I said the consequences would be dire, and called on them to rise to the level of state decisions. The tragic result has been killing everywhere.

We had hoped to see an end to the occupation and the suffering of the Palestinian citizen, because if such conditions continued that would be a reason for the resumption of suicide operations. For a long time I have been saying this: the siege gives rise to frustration, which in turn gives rise to suicide operations undertaken by those who have despaired of life, who have no hope whatsoever, especially when Palestinians look at their children and realise they cannot secure their right to food, drink, education and a future. Such men forget about this world and decide to undertake a suicide operation, since they are as good as dead anyway. I have heard these words from Palestinians, and I hope the Israeli government can comprehend this.

Q: Some American and European media sources have suggested the possibility of political changes in the Arab region as a result of increasing frustrations. What is your assessment of the situation in the Arab world?

A: The West's view of the situation, its policies and assessments, should be as broad and comprehensive as the responsibilities it has assumed. It must take into account the importance of maintaining peace in the region and how this affects its interests. This is why I believe the Middle East issue must be moved forward if it is not to become a dreadful source of terrorism. If the peace process is not resumed, the consequences will be dire indeed; and I hope the West listens to this advice.

My own opinion benefits from my knowledge of other opinions, whether in Egypt, the Arab world or beyond. And I meet with many people: I spoke to writers in the West, and it turned out they are unaware of many facts about our region or, perhaps, do not possess the mindset that would enable them to deal with the region's states. Each state must be dealt with in a particular way, for each has its methods, its way of life, its unique specificities.

Q: Is there a sectarian strife in Egypt?

A: Christians and Muslims have lived together in Egypt throughout history, and there is no discrimination between them. Of course, there are outside parties who interfere to invent a problem in order to generate sectarian strife, but this will be prevented, God willing, and will meet with no success. And in Egypt, needless to say, I work in the interest of the entire people and not one or another group.

Q: A number of members from the disbanded Society of Muslim Brothers have penetrated the People's Assembly. Is there a possibility that a religious party be allowed in Egypt?

A: There can be no religious parties in Egypt. The law forbids it: religious conflict is a danger to society and establishing a political party on a religious basis is risky; religious parties tend to toy with the sensitivities of the public, hence the danger. If someone wants to undertake party work, they can join a political party. Religious parties might eventually go so far as to claim that those who are not their members are not Muslims or Christians, and this is obviously unacceptable. As for parliament, whoever gained membership did so on a personal basis as an independent candidate, not on the basis of being a member of a religious party. The Society of Muslim Brothers has been disbanded since the days of President Gamal Abdel-Nasser.

Q: What of the Arab common market?

A: I have been speaking about an Arab common market for more than 15 years. Inter-Arab trade does not exceed eight to 10 per cent, which means we are contributing to operating factories, and curbing unemployment, in the outside world even though production levels in the Arab states are quite high. Instead of importing commodities from abroad we must raise the volume of trade exchange among ourselves. Arab cooperation in trade would, of course, lead to the establishing of new factories that will help secure job opportunities for the unemployed. This applies not only to Egypt but to the entire Arab World. Such Arab economic cooperation will increase the volume of investment in the Arab countries and consequently the volume of economic activities, to the benefit of all the peoples of the region. An Arab common market has become a necessity, especially in the age of great economic blocs. It is also a safety valve, that will prevent the economic marginalisation of the Arab World in the international arena.

Q: Why are Arab regimes fighting fundamentalist movements when Israel permits the participation of fundamentalist Zionist and religious parties in Sharon's government, sometimes dictating policy?

A: The [Israeli] picture drives us towards not establishing fundamentalist and religious parties like them. Israeli religious parties deal with the head of government in a manner intended to secure partisan goals. The head of the party will say to the prospective prime minister: I have 15 votes in the Knesset; what will be my reward if I grant you these votes? And he continues to demand a price for being part of the coalition. This is a picture we do not want to see in our countries.

Q: What happened to your call to convene an international conference on combating terrorism?

A: Convening such a conference is an urgent necessity if all states, both large and small, are to abide by any international agreement. There is absolutely no need to talk of pretexts -- such as that of "defining terrorism" -- for not holding this conference. Resistance with the aim of liberating an occupied territory is not terrorism.

Q: Do you distinguish between terrorism and national resistance?

A: Of course. National resistance is a legitimate right sanctioned by international law.

Q: Do you believe America is capable of finding Bin Laden? What are the likely impacts of failing to find him?

A: The possibility exists, and there are a great many agencies working to arrest Bin Laden. Military strikes are not the only means to do so, they are, rather, a preliminary step.

Q: How do you assess the progress of the war? Do you expect speedy, decisive results?

A: The war is taking place in a mountainous and extremely rugged region, which affects the time factor. I think the Americans are seeking to use Afghan elements because no other elements are as familiar with the country and its nature as the Afghans.

Q: Do you share the fear of some that a post-Taliban Afghanistan will mean a return to ethnic factionalism?

A: We must first put an end to terrorism and arrest the terrorists. After this the various factions can reach an understanding among themselves.

Q: Has the Intifada abated due to Egyptian- American pressure on President Arafat? Will, after a year of confrontation, Palestinian heroism go to waste despite no settlement, no framework of a state and no certainty of independence?

A: First I want to clarify a very important point: we are not pressuring President Yasser Arafat to stop the Intifada, and we do not decide on his behalf. The Palestinian decision is made by Palestinians, the evidence being that when President Clinton came to me towards the end of his term with a 'basket' of solutions, I received a copy, calling Arafat and his companions, and I told him: "Here, Abu Ammar, take this basket and confer with your brothers, discussing what you like about it, write down your remarks and tell us what you think would be the best form of support for you."

Five days later they returned and said: Mr President, we have 22 remarks on the ideas presented. Clinton spoke to me, and the Secretary of State Madeleine Albright said: let them take the whole basket or leave it. So I said to the American President and his Secretary: this won't do, you must listen to their remarks because this is a fateful question and Abu Ammar cannot accept the basket so long as he has reservations. And I persuaded Clinton to the point that he agreed to meet Arafat even though the American administration did not approve of such a meeting. Thus Clinton met with Arafat and listened to his remarks. And everybody conferred in Taba after the Clinton meeting. Negotiations took place, and both sides made concessions, and they were about to reach a commendable conclusion when Clinton's term ended.

Q: You often embrace President Arafat, facilitate his work and display much affection for him. What is the motivation for this, other than friendship and love?

A: President Arafat is a symbol of the Palestinian people and I help him as much as I can. He comes to me with his troubles, and if I have a piece of advice I present him with it. But I never take a decision on his behalf. Not once have I taken a decision on behalf of the Palestinians. They have their own abilities, intellectuals, thinkers and politicians, and they know best their conditions.

When we met in Sharm El-Sheikh -- the meeting was Clinton's last, and it took place upon Arafat's request -- it was not as if we were imposing the meeting on him.

It was Thursday and he [Arafat] called me at six in the morning and said: Mr President, they are striking us on every side. I said: what do you suggest? Shall I talk to Barak? Or shall I call for a meeting to be attended by Clinton, Barak, the United Nations and the European Union?

This conference I had refused to hold 15 days before when Clinton had requested it. Then I told Clinton that to hold the meeting it would be necessary that it result in a ceasefire and Israeli forces withdrawal. Barak told me he would not attend. And so I called off the Sharm El-Sheikh conference.

When Abu Ammar asked me my opinion, I said: discuss the issue with your compatriots and I will take the initiative to hold this meeting. And thus it was. The meeting was held, and I sent Clinton a telegram telling him that it would be held but that he must take into account the necessity of the conference resulting in a ceasefire and the withdrawal of the Israeli forces. This was one hour before Clinton left Washington. Communications took place that would have postponed Clinton's journey had he not been emphatic on the meeting reaching concrete results. And the truth is that Clinton went on working all through the night to achieve what we came out with.

Q: Do you think President Bush is serious in his comments about the Palestinian state?

A: Bush will try, as much as possible, to find a solution. My hope is that the Jewish lobby in the United States will understand the reality of the situation. They support Israel whatever, and this is impractical, for if you want Israel to live in peace as a state among the community in the Middle East, you cannot blindly support it. They must distinguish right from wrong and offer advice in the general interest. In this way cooperation will take place with Israel and its neighbours once peace is achieved. Israeli obstinacy will lead to neither peace nor stability in the region.

Q: Is President Bush's initiative to establish a Palestinian state a serious project or is it merely intended as an anaesthetic, to calm the Palestinian- Israeli front to better concentrate on the war against terrorism?

A: There are those who doubt the credibility of the project, seeing it as a form of political hypocrisy.

Let me tell you something. President George Bush informed me before what took place on 11 September that he would announce that it is necessary to establish a Palestinian state. And this happened, I repeat, before the events of 11 September, in a message I received on 30 August.

Q: What efforts are there in terms of Egyptian- Syrian-Saudi coordination? What are its most prominent features and its accomplishments in terms of persuading the West against the vicious circle of American responses, establishing channels for cooperation and prioritising an even- handed settlement?

A: I will not talk of the details of the cooperation, but cooperation exists: it is serious and covers all the relevant issues, especially those that concern our common interests. This is why cooperation, coordination and consultation continues and will not stop.

Q: How do you assess Egyptian-Iranian relations?

A: We communicate with each other but we have not established diplomatic relations yet. We communicate with President Khatami on some occasions, but when we asked the Iranian government to change the name of the street that is named after President Sadat's assassin, extremists went even further, placing a huge portrait of him in one of the squares.

Q: What about normalisation with Israel?

A: The people have freedom, and whoever wants to go to Israel is not stopped. The rejection comes from within. A businessman in Egypt is still part of Egyptian society. I once advised a businessman to meet an Israeli official in relation to a certain investment, but he refused to meet him for fear of Egyptian public opinion. The government cannot impose normalisation on anyone. And the political environment affects the normalisation movement either positively or negatively.

Q: How true are rumours of an imminent cabinet reshuffle in Egypt to revitalise administrative and institutional work?

A: We change the cabinet when there is a reason for it. Change for its own sake is not the way we do things. We achieved palpable improvement, especially in the arena of economic reform, because Atef Sidqi remained prime minister for seven consecutive years. I am not against change, but if the ministers are performing the tasks assigned to them why change? Performance is the criterion.

Q: Is economic performance stumbling and is the value of the pound going down against foreign currencies? How do you deal with these two disturbing phenomena?

A: Economic conditions are no cause for concern. Currencies all over the world go up and down according to conditions within the international currency markets. Why expect the Egyptian pound to be immune to international economic conditions? There are many examples: the value of the German mark, the French franc, other currencies. Economic recession is to be found in the strongest countries in the world, in America, England and France. It is clearly not an Egyptian phenomenon. Name one country that is not now suffering from economic recession, even among the Arab countries.

Q: Criticism in the West has been directed at Egyptian bureaucracy and hesitation in taking decisive steps in relation to investment. What is your position on this criticism?

A: We have removed many obstacles in the way of investment, and anyway bureaucracy, even in America and Europe, is horrible. And we are always ready to remove obstacles that prevent the inflow of investments to encourage investors to undertake work here. The private sector plays a pivotal role in driving the wheel of development and modernisation. And we are eager for this role to expand, our responsibility being to protect the rights of society, achieve a balance and encourage investment without excess.

Q: Is Egypt heading straight for an open-door economic policy based on privatising the public sector as happened in Turkey and East Asian countries like Taiwan, South Korea and Malaysia, all of which have experienced economic prosperity in recent years?

A: We are proceeding with economic reform and privatisation in accordance with Egypt's interests. Every country has its own conditions, which arise from its people. We have privatised a number of sectors but we cannot follow in the footsteps of Taiwan, Turkey or the East Asian countries, where conditions are different from ours.

Q: To what extent is the process of combating terrorism affecting democratic development in Egypt?

A: Not a speck. Democratic development is progressing, the freedom of the press is protected, the sovereignty of the law is upheld, the judiciary is independent and state institutions, including legislative bodies, are operational and effective.

Q: Will America's freezing of assets yield results?

A: Drying up the springs funding terrorist organisations and elements is an important part of the process of combating terrorism.

Q: Will Arabs be able to employ oil as a weapon as has happened in the past?

A: Conditions have changed.

Q: What is the nature of your relations with the United States, Russia, China and NATO?

A: Our relations with the United States are very good indeed and there is cooperation in a number of fields. Our relations with Russia are excellent, and we have very good relations with China. Our relations with all European countries are good, too.

Q: Is it true that Egypt has placed a ban on all imports until the end of the year? And if so, what is the reasoning behind this decision?

A: First, we have not stopped importing, and we say to Egyptian importers: if the commodities are available in Egypt and made in Egypt, we would prefer you use them for the sake of protecting national industries and the local product, so that factories will not be obliged to close down and their employees made redundant.

A crucial meeting took place in Cairo to deal with crises within the air transport industry and address safety issues. Did it have an effect? And do you think it will make things easier?

The whole world places emphasis on the air transport industry, and coordination among the Arab countries is beneficial in such circumstances.

Q: Is it true that Egyptian security uncovered Al- Qa'ida cells in Egypt?

A: Security bodies were following an organisation planning a terrorist operation in Chechnya. This was in May, and these elements were arrested and handed over to the prosecutors.

Q: Do you believe America will need Iran's support to extract itself out of the mud of Afghanistan?

A: Iran never wanted the Taliban.

Q: Do you think a Palestinian state will be born out of the Afghan crisis?

A: The Afghan crisis might help revitalise the Palestinian question and we hope a Palestinian state will be established at any time. It is a necessity for peace and stability in the region. It is in the benefit of all of peoples without exception.

Q: Do you think that implicating Syria in terrorism is unjust?

A: Of course it is unjust, and I have spoken very frankly about this with the Americans and the West.

Q: Prime Minister Tony Blair says that a settlement of the Palestinian question will secure international stability. Is this true? Will a just settlement put a final end to terrorism?

A: This is my opinion. A just and permanent settlement of the Palestinian question will help spread stability in the region and even the whole world. And as I have repeatedly said much of the reason behind the spread of terrorism is that this issue remains unsolved.